The
Economist ran the latest of a series of interesting article on the increasing
convertibility of the Chinese Yuan (“Yuan for the money”) in its
February 9th, 2013 edition. According to The Economist:
In the last three months of 2012 the
amount of trade settled in China’s currency reached almost 900 billion yuan
($145 billion), or 14% of China’s trade, up from almost nothing three years
earlier. China accounts for about 15% of the world’s money supply.
Although
the yuan accounts for a small currency share compared to the US dollar, Euro,
Yen and British pound, the trajectory of future growth can readily be assumed.
Bloomberg ran an article on the growth of
Chinese trade and the fact that in total imports and exports, China surpassed
the United States to become the world’s largest trading nation (China Eclipses U.S. as Biggest Trading
Nation, February 10th, 2013).
“U.S. exports and imports of goods
last year totalled $3.82 trillion, the U.S. Commerce Department said last week.
China’s customs administration reported last month that the country’s trade in
goods in 2012 amounted to $3.87 trillion. ... China’s growing influence in
global commerce threatens to disrupt regional trading blocs as it becomes the
most important commercial partner for some countries.”
The
trade numbers are interesting for their impact on GDP. US GDP is just over $ 15
trillion, while China’s GDP is slightly less than half of this at $ 7 trillion.
But remember that GDP is defined as the sum of:
GDP
= private consumption + gross investment + government spending + net exports
(exports – imports)
This
raises a number of questions as to what happens to headline GDP and other
factors in the “China model” if more transactions are denominated in yuan.
Chinese
GDP is a complex and often opaque creature, but a very large part of it is due
to structure issues and government control.
·
Chinese
manufacture, despite its volume, retains a relatively low share of value in
China. See for instance the share
of value captured by Apple’s manufacturing operations in China. This
results in lower relative net exports, and in turn feeds into lower private
consumption due to low wages and dividends in China.
·
Low
wage costs and a high labour supply. The Chinese growth model has been on
attracting FDI to assure export-led growth, initially using low cost labours
supply as a competitive advantage. This is beginning to change, as the Foxconn
strikes and other data indicate. Should this continue, it will increase the
net export and private consumption components of GDP.
·
Overinvestment
in key manufacturing sectors, driven by the Chinese government’s stimulus
spending focussing on export-led growth (but also domestic
real estate). See for instance the glut in solar
panel production. This depresses the net export component of GDP but raises
gross investment. It is interesting that since much of the credit is from
government-sponsored financial entities which are recycling hard currency
earnings (via credit guarantees and credit lines from the central bank),
government debt remains relatively low.
·
The
availability of these hard currency reserves is precisely a result of exchange
rate controls. It will therefore be interesting to see what effect denominating
a higher
volume of trade in yuan will have on China’s forex reserves, which numbered
over $ 3 trillion in 2012.
·
This
last point also inevitably concerns the US dollar. Besides the obvious issues
of how the USD will continue as the reserve currency and the value of the USD,
there is another question as to how
much longer China will continue to invest in US Treasuries, both as a hedge
against devaluation as well as a political lever.
Will
yuan-denominated transactions incur lower transaction costs? Theoretically,
yes, although if we measure total transaction costs, including potentially
higher yuan inflation rates, regional currency valuation issues, and the costs
of converting yuan holdings to parent currencies when repatriating or declaring
annual profits or dividends, this is not a foregone conclusion if set over a
5-year time period. On the other hand, if we assume a well-managed currency and
an appreciating yuan, the conversion effect will provide a significant upside
to such transactions.
This
last point notwithstanding, we anticipate a major growth in yuan transactions
over the next five years. The momentum pointing to this is undeniable, and is
magnified by semi-governmental investments in African infrastructure projects
or commodity trading.
This
will inevitably lead to a struggle to manage the yuan’s appreciation by the
Chinese central bank, which already finds itself having to manage a short-term
Japanese yen and a longer-term US dollar devaluation. It is no coincidence that
China
is doubling down on gold purchases.
An
increase in yuan transactions is a clever short-term method of taking some of
the pressure off the rising Chinese currency. Yet this pressure is only likely
to accelerate, both given national policy among key trading partners (Japan and
the US in particular) as well as the likely demand for yuan transactions among
companies, semi-governmental organisations, and private citizens and small
entrepreneurs.
The
next step will almost certainly be a move to denominate oil and commodity
prices in yuan, which would lead to a real issue in the future of the US
dollar. And while an appreciating yuan will flatter USD-denominated GDP, the current
structural imbalances in an over-supplied, mercantilist model remain to be
resolved.
©
Philip Ammerman, 2013
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